However, one exception to this might that among some Muslim communities the concept of Izaat still prevents people from getting divorced. Late Modern Sociologists argue against Postmodernists — getting a divorce is not simply a matter of individual choice, rather the increasing divorce rate is because of the changing nature of the typical relationship. Couples stay together because of love, happiness of sexual attraction rather than for tradition or for the sake of the children.
Ulrich Beck points out that divorce has increased because the typical late-modern family is characterised by more gender equality and negotiation — pleasing both partners takes a lot of time and effort, which is simply not sustainable when both partners are in paid work, which in turn explains the high levels of divorce. By way of a conclusion , there are many different historical trends that go into explaining the increase in divorce rates — it is important to remember that social structural forces are at work — such as changes in the law, the impact of Feminism and the changing role of women, which have had the effect of making our society more gender equal and providing people with greater choice, all of which work together to explain the increasing rate of divorce.
As a final word, it is also worth noting that the divorce rate is now decreasing — which could be due to the fact that the age at which people get married is increasing — people get married after a lengthy period of co-habitation — and so are more likely to marry the right person for the right reasons! The effects of declining marriage and increasing divorce on society. For more essays, please see my main post on exam advice, short answer questions and essays.
This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. Browse Essays. Show More. A change in finances can become an external stressor for children. Stress limits the ability for children to learn. With parents being forced to maintain the financial way of living for their children separately, that they once had, the parents are not able to spend necessary time with their children. The kids then begin to lose the family and emotional structure that they once had.
Studies have shown that children begin to become problematic in school. They generally loose the disciplinary role in their lives that the father plays in parenting. With divorced women take a more aggressive leap into the workforce to provide for their children, the kids begin to lose the emotional and family structure that the woman plays in their lives. Women prepare meals, often do the grocery shopping, and make sure the children have what they need on a day to day basis. With mom working more, children usually do not have consistent meals that are important in growth and health. Proper meals on a consistent basis ensures proper growth in children, and promotes focus and attention.
This one of the many reasons that children of divorced families begin to have lower grades in school and have changes in their behavior. Changes in routines and patterns. Read More.
Words: - Pages: 4. Effects of Divorce on Children Essay Divorce: Effects on Children Divorce has become an unquestionable remedy for the miserably married. Words: - Pages: 7. Essay The Effects Of Divorce On The United States The effects of divorce on children in the United States Marriage is a relationship between man and woman and this relationship is built on a legal, sociological and psychological basis. Essay Divorce And Its Effects On Children A divorce happens when married couples decide not to live together anymore and no longer want to be married to each other.
Most important, the psychological revolution of the late '60s and '70s, which was itself fueled by a post-war prosperity that allowed people to give greater attention to non-material concerns, played a key role in reconfiguring men and women's views of marriage and family life. Prior to the late s, Americans were more likely to look at marriage and family through the prisms of duty, obligation, and sacrifice.
A successful, happy home was one in which intimacy was an important good, but by no means the only one in view. A decent job, a well-maintained home, mutual spousal aid, child-rearing, and shared religious faith were seen almost universally as the goods that marriage and family life were intended to advance. But the psychological revolution's focus on individual fulfillment and personal growth changed all that.
Increasingly, marriage was seen as a vehicle for a self-oriented ethic of romance, intimacy, and fulfillment. In this new psychological approach to married life, one's primary obligation was not to one's family but to one's self; hence, marital success was defined not by successfully meeting obligations to one's spouse and children but by a strong sense of subjective happiness in marriage — usually to be found in and through an intense, emotional relationship with one's spouse. The s marked the period when, for many Americans, a more institutional model of marriage gave way to the "soul-mate model" of marriage.
Of course, the soul-mate model was much more likely to lead couples to divorce court than was the earlier institutional model of marriage. Now, those who felt they were in unfulfilling marriages also felt obligated to divorce in order to honor the newly widespread ethic of expressive individualism. As social historian Barbara Dafoe Whitehead has observed of this period, "divorce was not only an individual right but also a psychological resource.
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The dissolution of marriage offered the chance to make oneself over from the inside out, to refurbish and express the inner self, and to acquire certain valuable psychological assets and competencies, such as initiative, assertiveness, and a stronger and better self-image. But what about the children? In the older, institutional model of marriage, parents were supposed to stick together for their sake.
The view was that divorce could leave an indelible emotional scar on children, and would also harm their social and economic future. Yet under the new soul-mate model of marriage, divorce could be an opportunity for growth not only for adults but also for their offspring. The view was that divorce could protect the emotional welfare of children by allowing their parents to leave marriages in which they felt unhappy. In , as Whitehead points out in her book The Divorce Culture , about half of American women agreed with the idea that "when there are children in the family parents should stay together even if they don't get along.
At the height of the divorce revolution in the s, many scholars, therapists, and journalists served as enablers of this kind of thinking. These elites argued that children were resilient in the face of divorce; that children could easily find male role models to replace absent fathers; and that children would be happier if their parents were able to leave unhappy marriages. In , one prominent scholar wrote in the Journal of Divorce that divorce even held "growth potential" for mothers, as they could enjoy "increased personal autonomy, a new sense of competence and control, [and the] development of better relationships with [their] children.
Thus, by the time the s came to a close, many Americans — rich and poor alike — had jettisoned the institutional model of married life that prioritized the welfare of children, and which sought to discourage divorce in all but the most dire of circumstances.
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Instead, they embraced the soul-mate model of married life, which prioritized the emotional welfare of adults and gave moral permission to divorce for virtually any reason. Thirty years later, the myth of the good divorce has not stood up well in the face of sustained social scientific inquiry — especially when one considers the welfare of children exposed to their parents' divorces. Since , about 1 million children per year have seen their parents divorce — and children who are exposed to divorce are two to three times more likely than their peers in intact marriages to suffer from serious social or psychological pathologies.
Research also indicates that remarriage is no salve for children wounded by divorce. Indeed, as sociologist Andrew Cherlin notes in his important new book, The Marriage-Go-Round , "children whose parents have remarried do not have higher levels of well-being than children in lone-parent families.
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- The Divorce Of A Divorce.
Often, the establishment of a step-family results in yet another move for a child, requiring adjustment to a new caretaker and new step-siblings — all of which can be difficult for children, who tend to thrive on stability. The divorce revolution's collective consequences for children are striking. Taking into account both divorce and non-marital childbearing, sociologist Paul Amato estimates that if the United States enjoyed the same level of family stability today as it did in , the nation would have , fewer children repeating grades, 1.
Skeptics confronted with this kind of research often argue that it is unfair to compare children of divorce to children from intact, married households. They contend that it is the conflict that precedes the divorce, rather than the divorce itself, that is likely to be particularly traumatic for children. Amato's work suggests that the skeptics have a point: In cases where children are exposed to high levels of conflict — like domestic violence or screaming matches between parents — they do seem to do better if their parents part.
But more than two-thirds of all parental divorces do not involve such highly conflicted marriages. And "unfortunately, these are the very divorces that are most likely to be stressful for children," as Amato and Alan Booth, his colleague at Penn State University, point out.
In the wake of their parents' divorce, children are also likely to experience a family move, marked declines in their family income, a stressed-out single mother, and substantial periods of paternal absence — all factors that put them at risk. In other words, the clear majority of divorces involving children in America are not in the best interests of the children. Not surprisingly, the effects of divorce on adults are more ambiguous.
Adults who initiated a divorce are especially likely to report that they are flourishing afterward, or are at least doing just fine. Spouses who were unwilling parties to a unilateral divorce, however, tend to do less well. And the ill effects of divorce for adults tend to fall disproportionately on the shoulders of fathers.
Since approximately two-thirds of divorces are legally initiated by women, men are more likely than women to be divorced against their will. In many cases, these men have not engaged in egregious marital misconduct such as abuse, adultery, or substance abuse. They feel mistreated by their ex-wives and by state courts that no longer take into account marital "fault" when making determinations about child custody, child support, and the division of marital property. Yet in the wake of a divorce, these men will nevertheless often lose their homes, a substantial share of their monthly incomes, and regular contact with their children.
For these men, and for women caught in similar circumstances, the sting of an unjust divorce can lead to downward emotional spirals, difficulties at work, and serious deteriorations in the quality of their relationships with their children. Looking beyond the direct effects of divorce on adults and children, it is also important to note the ways in which widespread divorce has eroded the institution of marriage — particularly, its assault on the quality, prevalence, and stability of marriage in American life.
In the s, proponents of easy divorce argued that the ready availability of divorce would boost the quality of married life, as abused, unfulfilled, or otherwise unhappy spouses were allowed to leave their marriages. Had they been correct, we would expect to see that Americans' reports of marital quality had improved during and after the s.
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Instead, marital quality fell during the '70s and early '80s. So marital quality dropped even as divorce rates were reaching record highs. What happened? It appears that average marriages suffered during this time, as widespread divorce undermined ordinary couples' faith in marital permanency and their ability to invest financially and emotionally in their marriages — ultimately casting clouds of doubt over their relationships. For instance, one study by economist Betsey Stevenson found that investments in marital partnerships declined in the wake of no-fault divorce laws.